The Shongthu Chate

The forthcoming Lok Sabha election will be held in Manipur under extraordinary circumstances due to the state-sponsored ethnic violence that plagues the state since May 3, 2023. In more than ten months, the state government has done literally nothing to diffuse the tension between the two warring communities. Even the third party, the Nagas, continue to maintain their “neutral” position with an aim to reap maximum political benefits, including this Lok Sabha election. For the Kukis, it is a test of their strength whether they will be able to survived such an ethnic cleansing pogrom, or surrender to the majoritarian state whose sole intention is to annihilate the minority communities and usurp their lands and properties. Under such circumstances, it is imperative for the minority Kukis to take extreme care in deciding whom to vote for, as their existence as a community will largely depend on the outcome of this election. So far, the intending candidates from the Kuki community have list

It’s been more than ten months since N. Biren Singh’s government launched the state-sponsored ethnic cleansing campaign against the minority Kuki-Zo tribals on May 3, 2023. Yet, there is no respite as violence continues unabated. Even though gunfights between the two warring ethnic groups subsides a little in the last few weeks thanks to the central forces reigning-in on the Meitei terrorists including the Arambai Tenggols and the UNLF (Pambei faction) in the Valley, tension continues to simmer. However, though the ethnic war saw no sign of ending soon, election mood began to appear in some corners of Imphal. Despite various Meitei pressure groups demanding to first end the current violence before initiating process for elections, intending candidates and their workers apparently began ground work. In fact, few names have emerged in the social media as probable candidates for the upcoming Lok Sabha election. As in the valley, the Naga areas in the hills begun to feel the wind of democr

On 17-18 February 2024, the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) organized a two-day National Convention in New Delhi aimed at strategizing its plan for the upcoming Lok Sabha elections. Curiously, the Meitei chief minister, Mr. N. Biren Singh, chose to skip, rather forced to, and stayed back in Imphal, though BJP leaders from the Kuki community, including Minister Pi Nemcha Kipgen, attended the convention. The reason behind Biren’s absence was apparently due to the mounting pressure from various Meitei organizations to resolve the current crisis before initiating any process for the election. It is also noteworthy that while virtually inaugurating the newly constructed Jawaharlal Nehru Vidyalaya (JNV) School building online, the Honorable Prime Minister Shri Narendra Modi lauded Pi Nemcha, the lone woman in the state cabinet, for her contribution towards the upliftment of the people. Dr. S. Lorho Pfoze, the Hon’ble MP (Outer Manipur), and other dignitaries attending the function also

  There are many people who find it hard to believe that the Kukis had fought the mighty British for almost three years, i.e., from 1917-1919. For them, the tribals of those days were still considered “barbaric”, “uncivilized”, “savage”, and had no skill to face the British soldiers who were equipped with the most advanced weapons available in Europe. However, they didn’t realized that the Kukis in India and their brethren Chins in Burma had been using “muzzle loading guns” ( thihnang ) and country-made cannons ( pumpi ) on a large scale since the early 19 th century. They were also able to manufacture these weapons along with the pounding gunpowders on their own as long as they had the raw materials. It may be noted that thihnang was first imported from abroad, probably from ports connecting Asia with Europe, and later manufactured locally. Pumpi is purely an indigenous weapon invented by the Kukis using the same technology used in thihnang though it is much bigger in size.

Manipur has a history of deep hill-valley divide. The Meiteis usually argue against this dichotomy, but every aspect of the Manipuri society, what they think and how they act, are all evidence of how deeply divided the two entities are. Even in the imagination of the Meiteis, the previously princely state which they fondly called as “ Kangleipak ” (Dried Land, Lacustrine Plain or a landmass formed by filling up of a lake), “ Meitrabak ” or “ Meitei Leipak ” (Land of the Meiteis), and much later “ Sana Leibak ” (Land of Jewels), has never been remembered as a single entity but “ Ching-Tam ” (Hill-Valley). The current ethnic violence between the dominant community Meiteis, who are in the valley, and the minority Kukis in the hills, is also deeply rooted in this hill-valley divide. Knowing well about this historical divide, the British never allowed the Manipuri Kings to rule over the hills during the colonial period. Rather, the hill administrations were kept under the supervision of a

The Anglo-Kuki War, 1917-1919 was one of the lengthiest and deadliest anti-colonial wars against the British. It was also a major Tribal Revolt during World War I. The preparation for the war began as early as in March 1917 but the assault started in October 1917 and continued till May 1919. Many people assumed that the Kukis were defeated in the war, but in reality, they were not defeated even in a single battle. This is mainly because the rebel Kukis applied guerrilla warfare where “hit-and-run” was the main tactic. In many cases, the rebel Kukis would ambush the British soldiers, kill or maimed as many as they can, and then disappear deep into the jungle. In some cases, they laid traps using boulders, giant wooden logs, hidden pits with sharp wooden or bamboo sticks fixed at the bottom, and nets with sharp bamboo or wooden sticks, etc. in unsuspecting locations and narrow roads where there are no diversion routes. However the military strength of the rebel Kukis lies mainly in t

Since May 3, 2023, the Kuki-Zo community has been at the receiving end of the state-sponsored ethnic cleansing campaign in the hands of the dominant community. So far, 164 have lost their lives, 200+ villages (7000+ houses), 360+ churches and other places of worship have been burnt, and 41,425 people were displaced from their homes. Moreover, nearly a hundred have died in the relief camps for lack of medical care and financial constrictions and many are helplessly waiting for their end. Among the most dreadful incidents are those involving women being paraded naked, gangraped, and murdered. A few survivors who are still struggling to overcome the trauma are living testimonies. The way David Thiek was murdered, a video in which his head was hanged over a fencing pole went viral, is something nobody would have imagined in this civilised world. Even after nine months, the attack on Kuki villages and their properties continues unabated. In the latest one such incident, a house in Chiki

There is a popular story about David and Goliath in the Bible. Goliath was a Giant who thinks he was the strongest man on Earth. His tribesmen also took pride in having such a great warrior on their side. To them, he was invincible to the enemy, and hence the immortal. On the other, David was a young shepherd known for his aptitude in humming hymns with his musical instruments in the woods. During the day, he used to play different tunes with his flute, and during the night, he used to defend his lambs against wild beasts coming to snatch them. Even tigers and leopards often find themselves in trouble as he would easily break their yaw-bones and kill them bare-hands without much effort. One day, this little boy went to the frontline with tiffin where his brothers were guarding the buffer zones like many of our brave soldiers did today. There, he heard a voice from the other side of the border in quest of a man who dare to fight him. This Giant named Goliath was naming a shaming his

A society’s well-being is reflected in the way the youths are organised at the village level, or tribe/community level at large. How the Young Mizo Association (YMA) and Mizo Zirlai Pawl (MZP), along with the Church NGOs, functions in the Mizo society can be an example if one is looking for a model. In fact, as pressure groups, these NGOs play an important role in all major policies and programs in that state. At times, they even influence the outcomes of state elections as any political party that goes against the wishes of the Church and the two youth associations always end up losing the electoral battle. Among the Kukis, the structure of KSO Nagaland comes very near to it in terms of its connection with the units at the village level. The case of the Kuki society in Manipur is almost the opposite of what we see in Mizoram, and partly in Nagaland. The reasons are many and varied. For one, the Kukis of Manipur are yet to have a territory or homeland which they can call their own. Sec