Diagnosing What Might Ail the Kuki Society: Is it a Colonial Hangover?

The Kukis are traditionally warrior tribes. Their oral stories are filled with mythical heroes such as Galngam/Ralngam, Jamdil/Lamdil, Lenchonghoi’s brothers, etc. There are also moral stories rooted in Khankho (Tlawmngaihna in Mizo). Moreover, unlike many other ethnic communities, the different Kuki tribes maintained uniform oral histories regarding their origin and migration. In fact, culturally, linguistically, and ethnically, all the tribes belonging to the Kuki ethnic groups are undeniably of the same “ethnic stock” though they are artificially divided in the present time.

It may also be noted that the Kukis, like other warrior tribes, are known for their bravery and love for freedom. Since the early phase of colonial rule, they never allow the British to rule over their hills without giving a fight. The series of anti-colonial resistance which began as early as around 1777 culminated in the Anglo-Kuki War, 1917-1919. In the three-year long tribal revolt during World War I, the Kukis fought the mighty British valiantly. Yet, the Kuki chiefs had to regrettably give in to the colonial administration in whose empire the Sun never sets. The reason for the surrender was not because they were afraid to continue the fight, but had to take the obvious decision due to lack of food and other essential items for the women, children and the sick. Since the Kukis were dependent on subsistent agriculture which they could no longer continue for more than two years, they were left with little or no food to feed, or took care of themselves. Notably, the more advanced valley-state, Manipur, failed to halt the British soldiers in the "Khongjom Laan" (battle) even for a day whom the Kukis fought for three years.

By the end of the Anglo-Kuki War, as there was no agricultural activity, the agriculture based subsistence economy of the Kukis was completely destroyed. Moreover, the Manipur hills were divided into three sub-divisions, all with the exception of Lamka headquartered in Naga areas to further suppress the warrior Kuki tribes. Yet William Shaw noted that the defeat in the "Rebellion" (the British term for the War) did not deter the Kukis from looking for an opportunity to take revenge. Instead, they still considered themselves as the “masters of the hills.”

Meanwhile, during the Jadonang Movement, 1930-31, the Kukis were made the soft target by the Kabuis (Nagas) apparently for attacking their villages during the Anglo-Kuki War. To indoctrinate their people, a rumour was circulated in which Jadonang supposedly dreamed about Kuki rebels taking away their men and women including “unmarried girls”. Whatever may be the reason, the Kabuis were able to carry out a series of raids against the Kukis simply because they remained military weak. 

However, when the combined forces of the Japanese Imperial Army and the Indian National Army (INA) reached their territory during the World War II, the Kukis took it as an opportunity to take revenge against the British. Soon, the Kuki chiefs met the INA leaders including Subhash Chandra Bose to fight alongside the combined forces. Many of them also volunteered to act as spies, translators, and guides. In fact, the Netaji was so much impressed with the Kukis’ zeal to fight against the British that he soon developed close bonding with the Kuki leaders. Many of these Kuki soldiers vividly remember how Netaji had released them with notes written by himself, with a word that it will be of great help after India's independence, before he disappeared. Unfortunately, the defeat of the INA and the Japanese forces in the hands of the Allied Forces once again left the patriotic Kukis without tasting victory. This further weakens the Kukis militarily, and their morale too hit rock-bottom.

On the eve of Independence, as the British began the groundwork to handover the baton to the Indian leaders, preparation was also made for the administration of the hill tribes. In the process, the Naga Hills District Tribal Council (NHDTC) was formed in April 1945 as a forum to unite the Nagas of Naga Hills, effectively replacing the Naga Club. And in February 1946, the NHDTC was rechristened as the Naga National Council (NNC). The formation of NNC by the last Deputy Commissioner of the Naga Hills, Mr. Charles R. Pawsey, was primarily to compensate the Nagas for their loyalty and losses incurred during the Second World War. On the other, the Kukis were left to fend for themselves for wagging war against the colonial regime during both the two World Wars.

After India's Independence, while national leaders were still busy in the affairs of the newly independent India, the activities of the NNC slowly turned into a nationalist movement. Though the Kukis of Naga Hills took active part in the Naga movement, the Kukis of Manipur Hills were to be at the receiving end of the rising insurgent activities since 1956. In fact, anyone who refuses to pay the heavy "Nagaland taxes" was either threatened or murdered.

So, when Pu Laldenga launched the Mizo Movement in the 1960s, the Kukis of Manipur saw it as an opportunity to join a nationalist movement which they themselves were unable to initiate. Many of them joined the MNF under the leadership of Pu Demkhoseh and died for its cause. After the Mizo Accord was signed in 1986, these Kuki rebels returned to Manipur with mixed feelings: one, they felt proud for achieving victory, and two, they were upset since their territories were left out of Mizoram. 

At the same time, the returning MNF cadres were greeted with the new found power structure created by the emerging Naga insurgents in the Hills and Meitei insurgents (VBIGs) in the valley. Seeing this development, they immediately felt the need for an ethnic army not only to protect themselves from the Naga and Meitei insurgents but also to spearhead a movement of their own. This led to the birth of Kuki insurgency in the late 1980s.

However, contrary to their expectations, the Kuki armed groups which were still at its infancy stage found themselves in direct conflict with the Naga armed groups over “illegal taxes” and control over Moreh town and national highways. Petty skirmishes between the two parties finally resulted into a full-blown ethnic war in the 1990s. And exactly after three decades, the Kukis had to face another violent ethnic clash with the Meiteis since May 2023. Whereas the current Kuki-Meitei clash is essentially a state-sponsored terrorism, or ethnic cleansing campaign, carried out by the majority Meiteis against the minority Kuki-Zo tribals from Kangleipak [Valley], the Kuki-Naga conflict was also officially termed as “ethnic cleansing” acts of the NSCN-IM perpetrated against the Kukis in a documentation titled “Does Violence Get Mandate”.

Looking deeper into the three major ethnic cleansing campaigns encountered by the Kukis after the Anglo-Kuki War, it is clear that they had never committed crimes deserving full blown ethnic war. Rather they were under attack simply because they [the Kukis] were at their weakest point all these times. 

So, to survive in a polarised state like Manipur, a minority community like the Kukis need a strong organisation with charismatic leadership which are both missing in them. The Meiteis are scared of the Manipuri Nagas because they have a unified command where all the members of the community somehow imagined their political future. In the same way, the Nagas are reluctant to fight the Meiteis because they know they are in control of the state government. For the Kukis, the only strong point they had is the ethnic bonding which is again missing in both the other two. What is implied here is that if an ethnic community remains strong and united, no other community will ever think of initiating “ethnic cleansing” campaign against them. As the maxim goes, there is always peace between two nuclear powers!

It should also be kept in mind that the ethnic fission, or fragmentation, within the Kuki community in the post-colonial era is the fruit of the seed sown by the British for wagging war against them, unlike the other communities who eagerly support their cause. Infighting, clan rivalry, denominational war, and the overall lack of unity are all rooted in the British era. For one, the Lushai (Mizo) Hills, Chin Hills, and Kuki inhabited hills of Manipur were kept under different administration – Chin Hills under British Burma, Lushai Hills under Assam Province of India, and Manipur Hills under the princely state of Manipur – even though these areas are contiguous. In the same way, different Christian missions were sent to proselytised these areas. Even within Manipur, the southern hills received different denominations from the north. Thus, all the divisive politics plaguing the Kuki-Zo community today are the results of a well-designed strategy put in place by the colonial administration! 

Therefore, as the seed of disunity was sown by the British, and has been sustained by the post- or neo-colonial regime, the political elites within the Kuki-Zo community [including Old Kukis, Chins, Mizos, Zomis, etc.] only need to wake-up from this colonial hangover to reclaim the honour it enjoy in the past. Lest we forget what ails our community!

(Courtesy: KSO Bulletin Thingkho le Malcha, Issue No.159, February 19, 2024).